Quick facts
Qualitative facts
1. Electoral system and party system and their impact on women
2. History of Women's suffrage
3. Legal framework for the promotion of a balance between men and
women in political decision-making
a. Infrastructure responsible for EO
b. Policy to increase women in politics
c. Actions initiated to promote women's participation in politics
Portrait: Hedy D'Ancona
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Report from the Netherlands by our transnational partner
Milja A.C. Bos
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| Quick facts |
Women in Politics:
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| Women's suffrage active: |
1919 |
| Women's suffrage passive: |
1917 |
| 1st Women in parliament: |
1946 |
| 1st Women in government: |
1956-1963 Dr. Marga Klompè,
Ministry of Social Affairs |
| 1st Ministry on women's issues: |
1975 Ministry of Culture, Leisure Time
and Social Work with the Department of Emancipation Policy |
| % women in national Parliament: |
36,0% Lower House (2000); 28,0 Upper House (2000) |
| % women in national Government: |
31,0% (2000) |
| Electoral System: |
| Proportional: |
2nd Chamber:
150 members elected by party list vote (0,67% barrier) from 18
multi-seat districts; 1st Chamber:
75 members indirectly elected by party list vote of 12 provincial councils.
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| Quota: |
| Quota Law: |
No quota regulation legislation. |
| Party Quota: |
No quota system on party level. |
| Education: |
| % women with secondary degree: |
not available |
| % women with degree in higher education: |
51,0% (1995/1996) |
| % women in senior management: |
6,1% (1999) |
| Women's employment rates: |
| Full time: |
35,0% (1998) |
| Part-time: |
67,9% (1998) |
| Activity rate: |
59,8% (1998) |
| Unemployment: |
5,2% (1998) |
*sources: Employment in Europe 1999 and Schlüsselzahlen zum Bildungswesen
in der Europäischen Union, Amt für amtliche Veröffentlichungen der
Europäischen Gemeinschaft 1997, Luxemburg; European Database - Women
in Decision-Making and data by transnational experts.
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1. Electoral system and party system
and their impact on women
The Netherlands and Israel are the only two countries in the world
with direct elections with a pure proportional representation system
for the Lower House. The result is that the Netherlands has many
political parties, and that the election lists of the larger political
parties are very important- especially where it concerns equal
representation of women and men. Although the political parties
themselves are not bound to any legal measurement as to how to compose
those lists, most political parties have some kind of quota for (a more)
equal representation of women and men. The political parties will not
risk being portrayed as unfriendly to women by putting 'not enough'
women on the lists (except the SGP, which is opposed to women in all
of the public sphere- including politics and the work force). This
attitude spreads over all elections and election lists, being direct
and proportional or indirect.
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In 1882, a female doctor, Aletta Jacobs, wrote a letter to the
mayor of Amsterdam, asking why she was not registered as a voter,
although she paid the legal required amount of taxes to be eligible
to vote. The mayor answered that although the law did not say
explicitly that women could not vote, the intentions of the law could
not be discussed. The result of a long judicial fight was that the
parliament changed the law and added 'male' to the article of the law.
It was very clear now- women had no right to vote. In the early days
of the twentieth century, the debate of universal suffrage divided the
Socialists and the Liberals. The Socialists put emphasis on suffrage
for the lower classes, and thought that once the men had suffrage, the
women would follow. The Suffragettes, being mostly upper class women,
opposed this idea fiercely. Eventually, the question was solved in a
very Dutch manner. The right to stand for election for both women and
men was granted in 1917 and the right to vote for all women and men was
granted in 1919. At the same time, subsidized Catholic and Protestant
schools were erected. The Socialist, Liberal, Catholic and Protestant
political parties all got what they wanted.
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3. Legal framework for the promotion of a balance between men and women in political
decision-making
There is no legal framework for the promotion of women in political
decision-making in the Netherlands. The Dutch government did not take
an official position in this matter before they had to, due to the
ratification of the European regulation on discrimination against
women. The Dutch government says it cannot and may not force or even
ask the political parties to increase their number of women. Dualism,
the clear division between government and parliament, is very important
in Dutch politics. Because the political parties differ widely in their
opinions of how to reach equal representation, there has not been an
initiative from the Lower House either. In 1992, (sic!) the government
signed the policy to increase the number of women in politics, but that
consists of recommendations to the political parties to increase women's
representation. The only legal framework whatsoever on women in politics,
is the First Article of the Constitution that prohibits discrimination on
the grounds of gender.
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a. Infrastructure responsible for EO
At this moment (02-00), emancipation is a policy area that belongs
to the Department of Social Affairs and Employment. The Junior Minister
of Emancipation is Annelies Verstand, a rather unknown politician, both
in national politics and in the women's movement. The Department has an
advisory body, the 'Directie Coördinatie Emancipatiezaken' (Board of
Co-ordination of Emancipation), and has set up an independent consultancy
called 'E-Quality'. The main subject of the policy on emancipation of
women is mainstreaming- to take care that emancipation is increasingly
integrated in the regular policies of all departments. It seems that,
besides these intentions of mainstreaming, the only goal of emancipation
at this moment is to increase the participation of women in the workforce.
Although very useful and necessary, it confines emancipation to the goal
of the combination of labour and care- and only for women. In 1974,
the women's organization Man Vrouw Maatschappij (Man Woman Society) set
up an action to send postcards to the social democratic Prime Minister
Den Uyl, to tell him that it was time for an overall policy for women.
As a reaction, the Department of Culture, Recreation and Social Work set
up two committees, one to prepare for the Year of the Woman (1975) and
one to be the Advisory Committee for Emancipation. In 1977, a Junior
Minister was appointed, and later that year the Department for the
Co-ordination of Emancipation Policy was founded. From that day, the goal
of emancipation policy was mainstreaming all policy concerning women
and/or equality, although at that time it was called 'multi facet policy'.
In 1981 the Advisory Committee for Emancipation was renamed the Emancipation
Council, and the department was closed again. The Junior Minister of Emancipation
has moved to the Department of Social Affairs and Employment. This is seen by
some as a political move due to the larger importance of the Department. In
the meantime, the Emancipation Council has been abolished, and the Board of
Co-ordination of Emancipation examines all policy concerning gender and
emancipation.
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b. Policy to increase women in politics
In 1980, the policy proposal for emancipation of women passed
in the Lower House. The intention to increase the number of women in
political decision-making is one of the objectives of this policy. In
1989, eventually, the law for equal opportunities for women and men
changed into the law for equal opportunities in the workforce. The
increase of the number of women in political decision-making receded
into the background. It took until 1992 before the government made
policy with the aim to increase of the number of women in politics.
The initiative for the policy is a side effect of a resolution from
the European Union that states that every EC country has to have
policy to increase the number of women in political decision-making.
By that time, the Netherlands had over 25% women in Parliament. The
main measurement of the policy is quota: raising the percentage of
female politicians in all decision-making bodies with 5% every election,
until parity is reached. There are no laws or penalties to force the
political parties to increase their number of women, mainly because the
government is of the opinion that it cannot interfere in party politics.
The number of women in political decision-making is rising with every
election. The difference between the percentage of women in local politics
(22%) and the Lower House (36%) is very large. In the Lower House, it seems
that the percentage of female representatives has risen to a saturation
point of about 35%.
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c. Actions initiated to promote women's
participation in politics
During the second wave of feminism, there was surprisingly little
attention to the increase of women in political decision-making. The
attention of the women's movement concentrated on sexual violence, abortion
and equal rights. The conviction of the radical parts of the Dutch women's
movement was that pressure from outside politics was the best way to change
society. Besides, the radical members were convinced that it was impossible
for women to participate in party politics without adaptation to the male
standards. Consequently, measurements from the governmental side have been
introduced very late. The NGOs in the Netherlands that campaign for more
women in politics consist of the more conservative women's groups, co-ordinated
by the Nederlandse Vereniging voor Vrouwenbelangen (the Dutch Society for
Women's Interests). This society goes back to the first wave of feminism, and
has now been active for more than a century. The society organizes campaigns
like M/V 50-50, which strives for equal participation and preferential votes
for women candidates. The official action programme to increase the number
of women in political decision-making is rather meagre. The government passed
a policy to promote women in politics in 1992, which was updated in 1996 and
1999. The government set quotas for the number of women in politics, but
there are no penalties for the political parties when the quotas are not
met. The political parties were provided with a small subsidy for an 'equality
officer'. At this moment, the political parties receive a subsidy for
education for their members. Increasing the number of women candidates is one
of the objectives of this education. Actually, this does not mean that the
political parties themselves have no policy to increase the number of women
on their election lists. At this moment, the research and policy initiated by
the government concentrates on local politics. In the Netherlands, the percentage
of female representatives is much lower on the local level than on the national
level.
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Portrait: Hedy D'Ancona
Hedy D'Ancona has had an impressive career- both in and outside politics.
In the sixties, Hedy D'Ancona was one of the founders of 'Man Vrouw Maatschappij'
or MVM (Man, woman, society), a mixed feminist group that put fundamental questions
concerning gender relations to the forth. She is one of the few active members of
the feminist groups of the second wave that pursued a political career. She was a
member of the Dutch Upper House, the junior minister of Emancipation, the Minister
of Welfare, Public Health and Culture, a MEP, and the chair of the Dutch Social
Democrats of the European parliament. The fact that Hedy D'Ancona has combined
feminism with both a professional and a political career has contributed positively
to the image of women's issues as an important and accepted political issue.
Although during the second feminist wave activities concerning women's issues mostly
took place outside the political realm, D'Ancona has a history of pulling feminism into
(social democratic) politics. During her (unfortunately) short period of junior minister
of Emancipation, she changed the idea that 'women had still a lot ground to
cover' to 'gender as an issue of power'. She started to design policy to avoid
violence against women and girls, and the gender based division of labour. The device
of the second feminist wave -the personal is political- describes Hedy D'Ancona in all
of her aspects.
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